Outside of the United Nations, it is the most populous state and with the largest economy — its high-tech industry is a major player in the global economy.
Taiwan ranks highly in terms of freedom of the press, healthcare, public education, economic freedom, and human development, with the country benefiting from a highly skilled workforce and one of the most educated populations in the world. Seventeen countries currently maintain official relations with Taiwan but many do so in unofficial ways so as to keep communication with China open. China and Taiwan have been in a standoff since the Chinese Civil War.
The main legislative body of the Taiwan government is the unicameral Legislative Yuan, which is composed of one hundred and thirteen seats. Seventy-three members are elected in single member districts, while thirty-four are elected in proportion to nationwide votes — six seats are left free to represent aboriginal groups. Members of the Legislative Yuan serve terms of four years at a time.
The central government comprises the presidency and five major branches, or yuans. The local governments at present include those of six special municipalities, 13 counties and three autonomous municipalities with the same hierarchical status as counties.
Beginning in , all heads and representatives of local governments are popularly elected simultaneously in cities and counties across Taiwan every four years. In addition, there are county-administered townships and cities, as well as districts—including six indigenous mountain districts— in autonomous and special municipalities.
Special municipalities are top-level administrative entities that fall under the direct jurisdiction of the central government. They play an important role in leading regional development. The Constitution used in Taiwan was ratified in by the Kuomintang Party when it still controlled a large chunk of the mainland and was therefore conceived for all of China not just Taiwan.
The Taiwanese constitution is outdated and badly in need of reform and revisions. One Taiwanese editor told Newsweek, "We behave democratically, but without democratic structures. It's a mess. The president is elected to a four year term.
He or she can serve a maximum of two terms. The president is the head of state and the chief of the armed forces and appoints the prime minister. He or she does not have the power to dissolve the legislature unless there is a no confidence vote. Under Taiwan's constitution, the vice president is only a heartbeat away from the presidency, taking over the position if the president cannot serve for any reason. The Cabinet has traditionally resigned en mass before the President is inaugurated.
The prime minister is appointed by the president with the approval of the legislature. The elected president appoints the prime minister, who appoints the entire cabinet, which has eight ministries established under the Constitution and many newer commissions. Cabinet: Executive Yuan - ministers appointed by president on recommendation of premier. Elections: The president and vice president are elected on the same ticket by popular vote for four-year terms eligible for a second term ; election last held on January 14, next to be held in January ; premier appointed by the president; vice premiers appointed by the president on the recommendation of the premier election results: Ma Ying-jeou was elected president in with Tsai Ing-wen won Legislative branch: the unicameral Legislative Yuan is comprised of seats — 73 district members elected by popular vote, 34 at-large members elected on basis of proportion of islandwide votes received by participating political parties, and six elected by popular vote among aboriginal populations.
Members to serve four-year terms. Parties must receive five percent of vote to qualify for at-large seats. Elections for the Legislative Yuan were last held on January 14, next to be held in January Legislative and presidential elections used to be held at different times but now they are held on the same day. The Legislature used have seats and before that it had seats and before that seats. Into the s there were 3, seats in the fantasy mainland Yuan. The consequences can complicate the operation of representative government.
First, when activist elements in the public oppose the policies of the majority party but see little hope of ending its dominance through electoral means, they have mounted large public protests in the name of the higher good.
In these campaigns, they sometimes have the support of the opposition party. Second, the DPP has long advocated the use of referendums to register the public will. Legislation was passed in to authorize the use of referendums, but the two parties have argued over the value and rules for this mechanism ever since. When the DPP won the LY in , it soon passed legislation making it easier to put policy ideas to a referendum vote. Third, from to , Taiwan also saw a burst of populism, mainly in the form of a KMT politician named Han Kuo-yu.
Each of these gambits reflects a dissatisfaction with the performance of representative government under two-party dominance and attempts to circumvent the normal operation of government. Yet Taiwan politics is not a society-wide battle between two sharply divided camps.
The public is not as polarized as politicians are. On social values, there is broad uniformity. There is strong agreement that, in principle, democracy is the best political system.
Most significantly, on some issues there are divisions within the major parties which impede them from operating as a unified, disciplined bloc, at least on those issues. The Deep factions tend to the extreme while the Light ones are more moderate. If the Light factions in each major party are dominant, then inter-party cooperation becomes possible. If the Deep factions are dominant, then zero-sum confrontation is more likely. The Deep-Light differences within the Green and Blue camp are not always significant.
Generally, the policy issues under debate define which actors are involved and how politics are conducted. Some matters are negotiated within the legislature and between it and the executive, outside of the public eye.
Others matters evoke polarization between the major parties. Still others create Light-Deep splits. But the issue that is most divisive within and between parties and at election time is how to address the challenge China poses to Taiwan. It is an issue that is substantively difficult and the one where the stakes are the highest. It has hoped to achieve this end through persuasion but has not ruled out the use of force. Simultaneously, it has opposed what it perceived or misperceived as attempts by Taiwan leaders to create an independent country.
Ma deflected PRC requests for political talks, yet his economic policies stimulated concerns among Taiwan citizens about a dangerous slippery slope. Consequently, economic relations stalled. China responded with neither accommodation nor military action, but by mounting a campaign of intimidation, pressure, marginalization, and penetration of Taiwan politics by providing support for political organizations and traditional media and manipulating social media.
So far, therefore, Beijing has failed to advance its policy objective. Should it be a combination of accommodation, cooperation, and opposition to independence? These are tough calls. If there were an easy solution, it would have emerged long ago.
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